The Cholula Massacre by Cortes

The Cholula massacre was one of the most ruthless actions of conquistador Hernan Cortes in his drive to conquer Mexico. Learn about this historic event. In October of 1519, Spanish conquistadors led by Hernan Cortes assembled the nobles of the Aztec city of Cholula in one of the city courtyards, where Cortes accused them of treachery. Moments later, Cortes ordered his men to attack the mostly unarmed crowd. Outside of town, Cortes Tlaxcalan allies also attacked, as the Cholulans were their traditional enemies. Within hours, thousands of inhabitants of Cholula, including most of the local nobility, were dead in the streets. The Cholula massacre sent a powerful statement to the rest of Mexico, especially the mighty Aztec state and their indecisive leader, Montezuma II. The City of Cholula In 1519, Cholula was one of the most important cities in the Aztec Empire. Located not far from the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan, it was clearly within the sphere of Aztec influence. Cholula was home to an estimated 100,000 people and was known for a bustling market and for producing excellent trade goods, including pottery. It was best known as a religious center, however. It was home to the magnificent Temple of Tlaloc, which was the largest pyramid ever built by ancient cultures, bigger even than the ones in Egypt. It was best known, however, as the center of the Cult of Quetzalcoatl. This god had been around in some form since the ancient Olmec civilization, and worship of Quetzalcoatl had peaked during the mighty Toltec civilization, which dominated central Mexico from 900–1150 or so. The Temple of Quetzalcoatl at Cholula was the center of worship for this deity. The Spanish and Tlaxcala The Spanish conquistadors, under ruthless leader Hernan Cortes, had landed near present-day Veracruz in April of 1519. They had proceeded to make their way inland, making alliances with local tribes or defeating them as the situation warranted. As the brutal adventurers made their way inland, Aztec Emperor Montezuma II tried to threaten them or buy them off, but any gifts of gold only increased the Spaniards insatiable thirst for wealth. In September of 1519, the Spanish arrived in the free state of Tlaxcala. The Tlaxcalans had resisted the Aztec Empire for decades and were one of only a handful of places in central Mexico not under Aztec rule. The Tlaxcalans attacked the Spanish but were repeatedly defeated. They then welcomed the Spanish, establishing an alliance they hoped would overthrow their hated adversaries, the Mexica (Aztecs). The Road to Cholula The Spanish rested at Tlaxcala with their new allies and Cortes pondered his next move. The most direct road to Tenochtitlan went through Cholula and emissaries sent by Montezuma urged the Spanish to go through there, but Cortes new Tlaxcalan allies repeatedly warned the Spanish leader that the Cholulans were treacherous and that Montezuma would ambush them somewhere near the city. While still in Tlaxcala, Cortes exchanged messages with the leadership of Cholula, who at first sent some low-level negotiators who were rebuffed by Cortes. They later sent some more important noblemen to confer with the conquistador. After consulting with the Cholulans and his captains, Cortes decided to go through Cholula. Reception in Cholula The Spanish left Tlaxcala on October 12 and arrived in Cholula two days later. The intruders were awed by the magnificent city, with its towering temples, well laid-out streets and bustling market. The Spanish got a lukewarm reception. They were allowed to enter the city (although their escort of fierce Tlaxcalan warriors was forced to remain outside), but after the first two or three days, the locals stopped bringing them any food. Meanwhile, city leaders were reluctant to meet with Cortes. Before long, Cortes began to hear of rumors of treachery. Although the Tlaxcalans were not allowed in the city, he was accompanied by s ome Totonacs from the coast, who were allowed to roam freely. They told him of preparations for war in Cholula: pits dug in the streets and camouflaged, women and children fleeing the area, and more. In addition, two local minor noblemen informed Cortes of a plot to ambush the Spanish once they left the city. Malinche's Report The most damning report of treachery came through Cortes mistress and interpreter, Malinche. Malinche had struck up a friendship with a local woman, the wife of a high-ranking Cholulan soldier. One night, the woman came to see Malinche and told her that she should flee immediately because of the impending attack. The woman suggested that Malinche could marry her son after the Spanish were gone. Malinche agreed to go with her in order to buy time and then turned the old woman over to Cortes. After interrogating her, Cortes was certain of a plot. Cortes' Speech On the morning that the Spanish were supposed to leave (the date is uncertain, but was in late October 1519), Cortes summoned the local leadership to the courtyard in front of the Temple of Quetzalcoatl, using the pretext that he wished to say goodbye to them before he left. With the Cholula leadership assembled, Cortes began to speak, his words translated by Malinche. Bernal Diaz del Castillo, one of Cortes foot soldiers, was in the crowd and recalled the speech many years later: He (Cortes) said: How anxious these traitors are to see us among the ravines so that they can gorge themselves on our flesh. But our lord will prevent it....Cortes then asked the Caciques why they had turned traitors and decided the night before that they would kill us, seeing that we had done them nor harm but had merely warned them against...wickedness and human sacrifice, and the worship of idols...Their hostility was plain to see, and their treachery also, which they could not conceal...He was well aware, he said, that they had many companies of warriors lying in wait for us in some ravines nearby ready to carry out the treacherous attack they had planned... (Diaz del Castillo, 198-199) The Cholula Massacre According the Diaz, the assembled nobles did not deny the accusations  but claimed that they were merely following the wishes of Emperor Montezuma. Cortes responded that the King of Spains laws decreed that treachery must not go unpunished. With that, a musket shot fired: this was the signal the Spanish were waiting for. The heavily armed and armored conquistadors attacked the assembled crowd, mostly unarmed noblemen, priests and other city leaders, firing arquebuses and crossbows and hacking with steel swords. The shocked populace of Cholula trampled one another in their vain efforts to escape. Meanwhile, the Tlaxcalans, traditional enemies of Cholula, rushed into the city from their camp outside of town to attack and pillage. Within a couple of hours, thousands of Cholulans lay dead in the streets. Aftermath of the Cholula Massacre Still incensed, Cortes allowed his savage Tlaxcalan allies to sack the city and haul victims back to Tlaxcala as slaves and sacrifices. The city was in ruins and the temple burned for two days. After a few days, a few surviving Cholulan noblemen returned, and Cortes bade them tell the people that it was safe to come back. Cortes had two messengers from Montezuma with him, and they witnessed the massacre. He sent them back to Montezuma with the message that the lords of Cholula had implicated Montezuma in the attack and that he would be marching on Tenochtitlan as a conqueror. The messengers soon returned with word from Montezuma disavowing any involvement in the attack, which he blamed solely on the Cholulans and some local Aztec leaders. Cholula itself was sacked, providing much gold for the greedy Spanish. They also found some stout wooden cages with prisoners inside who were being fattened up for sacrifice: Cortes ordered them freed. Cholulan leaders who had told Cortes about the plot were rewarded. The Cholula Massacre sent a clear message to Central Mexico: the Spanish were not to be trifled with. It also proved to Aztec vassal states—of which many were unhappy with the arrangement—that the Aztecs could not necessarily protect them. Cortes hand-picked successors to rule Cholula while he was there, thus ensuring that his supply line to the port of Veracruz, which now ran through Cholula and Tlaxcala, would not be endangered. When Cortes finally did leave Cholula in November of 1519, he reached Tenochtitlan without being ambushed. This raises the question of whether or not there had been a treacherous plan in the first place. Some historians question whether Malinche, who translated everything the Cholulans said and who conveniently provided the most damning evidence of a plot, orchestrated it herself. The historical sources seem to agree, however, that there was an abundance of evidence to support the likelihood of a plot. References Castillo, Bernal DiÃŒ az del, Cohen J. M., and Radice B.  The Conquest of New Spain. London: Clays Ltd./Penguin; 1963. Levy, Buddy.  Conquistador: Hernan Cortes, King  Montezuma, and the Last Stand of the Aztecs.  New York: Bantam, 2008. Thomas, Hugh.  The Real Discovery of America: Mexico November 8, 1519. New York: Touchstone, 1993.

Informative Speech Clueless Communication - 2956 Words

Running head: Clueless Communication 1 CLUELESS COMMUNICATION A review of how to effectively communicate in the workplace Marjorie Mundy Pfeiffer University-Charlotte Campus Author Note This paper was prepared for Organizational Communications MBA 701/M02, taught by Dr. Susan Luck. CLUELESS COMMUNICATION 2 Abstract Communication in the workplace is vital to an organization s success. These messages are information that contain data on which the conduct of business is based (Rai, Urmali and Rai, S.M., 2006). Information and persuasion are the main objectives of communication according to (Rai, Urmila, et. al. 2006). Some of the common objectives of official communication are to get or give†¦show more content†¦al p.8). When communicating effectively your intention is to influence, change or sway another s behavior or attitudes(Rai, Urmila et. al. 2006 p. 9). You persuade. According to Rai, a great deal of communication in an organization is persuasive (Rai, Urmali et. at. 2006). As a leader, it is always our job to find, and exercise ways to effectively communicate to our employees in ways that motivate them to work towards a common goal or to be able to accept change within the organization. GOALS OF MY COMMUNICATION The goals of these communications are to persuade my employees and to help them understand the importance and need for effective written communication. Many times the listener has not understood the meaning of the communication which you intended/wanted him/her to (Agarwal, O.P., 2010 p.53). In this, I will not come across as complaining or giving them a warning. My employees will walk away feeling positive about their contribution to the organization and that a good strong public image is what we want to maintain. Persuasion needs a basis of information. You can not persuade unless information is given about goods or services according to Rai (Rai, Urmali et. at. 2006 p.8). Information should not contain emotion. Skillfully I will persuade and join them by appealing to their emotions.

Cross Culture Analysis - 3385 Words

TABLE OF CONTENTS (1) Introduction†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦2 (2) Cross- cultural Analysis†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.2 (3) Aims of cross-cultural analysis†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..2 (4) Hofstede and his 5 dimensions†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦...3 (4.1) Limitations of Hofstede’s model†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..4 (5) Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner model†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..4 (5.1) Limitations of Trompenaars and Turner model†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦4 (6) European Cultural Diversity†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦5 (7) Conclusion†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.6 (8) Bibliography†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..7 (9) Web References†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..7 (A) Critical review of cross-cultural models†¦show more content†¦These studies have resulted in identifying five dimensions. These dimensions are masculinity-femininity, power distance, individualism-collectivism, uncertainty avoidance and long term vs. short term orientation. Social psychology between and within many cultures are being investigated actively in many respects and has acquired its own momentum over a long period of time. According to (Draguns, Lee McCauley, 1999) comparisons with in the cross cultures can be made with the help of personality variables within that culture. As opposed to this, dimensions can also be derived in multicultural research projects can be used to study the relevance and the proximity to their home culture. In order to elucidate the conceptual nature of the cultural dimensions, Hofstede made various efforts to elaborate the contrast between the individualists as well the collectivist cultures. As this is not the only source of difference, several other Researchers such as Draguns, Lee McCauley, 1999 also carried out studies on individualist cultures where the individuals are not tightly connected. They found that the priority lies with looking after themselves or any other members of the immediate family. These individuals have different goals and aspirations that might not be in line with the values and norms of the entire group. However when there is a conflict of ideas, in individualShow MoreRelatedCross-Culture Analysis on Outsourced2493 Words   |  10 Pagesthe Indian culture, he first falls victim to a taxi driver’s trickery, has to literally â€Å"hop† on a train and although he is offered a seat on the â€Å"can-packed† train carriage by a boy, but in ret urn he has to offer up his lap for the boy to sit on. 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Human Rights Persuasive Essay Example For Students

Human Rights Persuasive Essay I agree that human rights do not lend themselves to neat formulae. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) aims at guarding the interest of people residing in different countries. However, the political and cultural environment of a country would shape these rights. Some of the rights the essay would be discussing are the equality of the sexes, right to freedom of speech and education. Contrary to the West, women in Asia are often exploited and deprived of their rights in many areas, particularly in employment. This phenomenon can be attributed to the tradition and cultural differences between the two. Despite the influence of the west brought about by industrialization, the Asian Society is still rather conservative and very much in touch with the teachings of Confucius. Even till today, they are unable to completely abandon the concept of women being the weaker sex. Although the UDHR proclaims, Everyone, without any discrimination, has the right to equal pay for equal work. (UN, 1948, Article 23 (2)), it is not uncommon to hear that women are paid lower than men are. Women accept the fact that they are weaker as compared to men in terms of work in this male dominated society. They are taught to be submissive and regard their family as the top most priority in their childhood. Moreover, employers believe that women are home bounded and contributions to t!he compan y would be minimal as they work fewer days, in comparison to men, due to the entitlement of their maternity leaves. In the eyes of the west, this would be a violation of human rights but to an Asian, a cultural difference. Everyone has the right to education. (UN, 1948, Article 26 (1)) does not hold in Asian context. Every American child is endowing with the right of education but receiving education is a form of luxury to the unfortunate Asian children. Most Asian countries are agricultural based and children are view as helping hands in the fields. Hence, children below the age of ten are often seen helping in the fields. Agrarian societies are generally poor parents are more concern with earning enough money to feed the family than paying for their childrens education. Although the United Nations emphasize the importance of education and stress that Education shall be free, (UN, 1948), these countries have no means of providing education as a free good. Families that are better o ff would send only the males to school, as they believe that males have to provide for the family in future. Girls are thought to be a burden to the family and would eventually marry off, hence, educating them !would not be economical to the family. The US is able to provide free education because of its strong economic foundation after years of development. Hence, it would not be fair to accuse the east of being a violator of rights for not providing education as a public good to its people because they simply cannot afford it; education comes after development. This statement manifest in the following extract, In the developed countries, universal primary education and literacy came after the process of development as well on its way. (Kamla Bahsin, Literacy for Women, Why and How!). Many governments are inclined to define human rights in the manner most convenient to suiting their own political interests. (Boutros Butros Ghali, 1993). The definition to freedom of speech is highly debatable. The differences in political environment between Singapore and the US have cast different viewpoints on this contention. Singapore takes a firm stand in this issue and will hold the speaker responsible for what he declares. The government clamps down on remarks that promote civil unrest such as those of religious and racial issues. Many countries see this as under-mining of the UDHR but this restriction is necessary for the survival of Singapore. Without it, a multiracial society in Singapore would collapse and the consequences, civil unrest and eventually civil war. No doubt that countries are obliged to uphold the UDHR, certain diversities should be tolerated as most countries are endowed with ancient and sophisticated cultures (Alatas, 1993) which may differ from one anoth er. Thus, the international community must take into consideration the countrys traditions, social values and political environment before ostracizing them. In conclusion, I agree that human rights do not lend themselves to neat formulae and a pragmatic approach to it is necessary.